U.S. Elections: The Jig Is Up
Opinion
By Tatiana Prophet
In my research over the last three and a half years, I have come to realize that every single one of our U.S. elections has been curated and managed by the tyrannical control freaks behind the scenes in our own country.
As the Democrats present their Trump impeachment case for the third day in the U.S. Senate, perhaps a look at the big picture is in order.
Think about it. The first evidence of election rigging that spilled out into the public eye was 1972. Deep Throat fed Woodward and Bernstein a curated evidence bento box, and eventually, the dirty tricks were swept away as an anomaly. That's the real reason Nixon resigned. He had to take the fall. Do you think political party makes any difference? Look at what our commanders in chief do when they get into office.
John Bolton really gets around. Picture: Judge Charles Burton, chairman of the Palm Beach County canvassing board, center, holds up the last ballot the board was able to consider in the manual recount of ballots as Democratic lawyer Mark White, left, and Republican lawyer John Bolton watch at the Palm Beach County Emergency Operations Center on Nov. 26, 2000, in West Palm Beach, Fla. (Charles Rex Arbogast/Associated Press)
Nixon, a Republican, visited China. Ronald Reagan, a Republican, embraced glasnost and perestroika proposed by the head of the “evil empire,” Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. Lyndon Johnson, a Democrat, escalated the war in Vietnam and oversaw putting down stateside peace protests.
Party doesn’t matter. Except maybe now. The two new parties are Establishment, and Upsetters. Trump is the Upsetter. He was never supposed to win. He was never supposed to get even close.
Liberals were outraged in 2000 when it appeared that happy-go-lucky George W. Bush stole the election. It was an oh shit moment as the fetid guts of election shepherding once again spilled out for all to see in Florida. Bush and Gore were equally acceptable suits. It didn't really matter. Why put the country through the cliffhanger. Who cares if people wanted to know how many hanging chads there were? But the election was so close, and the actions that followed nearly exposed the tradition of tampering. That's why they stopped the recount. Bush, or Gore, would do what they were told. Don't believe me? You think 9/11 wouldn't have happened under Al Gore? Well, the plodding, hapless bungling of our intel continued under President Obama, who allowed ISIS to flourish and didn’t seem able to end the war in Syria.
Doesn’t the cavalier attitude of not caring to count how many voters actually voted for Gore in Florida sound a lot like President Obama expecting the public to accept his handpicked yet problematic candidate Clinton? The people don’t matter, truth doesn’t matter, the people will get what they get. (I’m using satire like Adam Schiff in his ‘reenactment’ of a phony phone call between Trump and Zelensky).
Election-tampering tools make up a vast array to curate, groom and guide the acceptable characters through the primaries. ... and we've never, ever known about it — except for a few gut-spilling reveals (including the sabotaging of Bernie Sanders in 2016), and everyone thinks they're anomalies.
Still think Richard Nixon was the top crook in Watergate? Read this excerpt from “The Devil’s Chessboard,” and let me know what you think now. The book was written in 2015 by Salon co-founder David Talbot.
“Throughout his career, Nixon’s all-consuming ambition was fueled by resentment and envy, by the sense that he would always be excluded from the top decks where men like [CIA founder] Allen Dulles and [Marshall Plan architect] Christian Herter belonged. When Nixon was finishing law school at Duke University in 1937, he spent a frigid Christmas week in New York searching for a starting position with a prestigious Wall Street firm. He managed to get on the appointments calendar at Sullivan and Cromwell, the firm of his dreams.
As he waited in the lobby, he marveled at the “thick, luxurious carpets and the fine oak paneling,” a picture of corporate power and comfort that stayed with him for many years. But he did not meet the Dulles brothers during his job interview, and Sullivan and Cromwell—which, like all the top New York firms of the day, drew their young talent almost exclusively from the Ivy League—showed no interest in this product of Whittier College and Duke Law. Nixon, who could only afford a room in the Sloane House YMCA on West Thirty-Fourth Street during his week long job hunt, felt a bitter sense of rejection by the time he returned to school.
“He was not charmed by New York,” remembered a Duke classmate of Nixon’s. He felt the city had kicked him in the teeth.
Yet here he was, ten years later, being wined and dined on the Queen Mary in the same privileged company as Allen Dulles. The spymaster and Herter took the young congressman under their wing during the ocean crossing. They schooled him about the importance of foreign aid as a facilitator of U.S. economic and political interests. By the time the delegation returned to the United States in early October, Nixon was fully on board as a supporter of the Marshall Plan.
The congressman’s new enthusiasm for Truman’s ambitious proposal did not go down well with his conservative supporters back home. But Nixon was shrewd enough to figure out that senior members of the GOP’s East Coast elite like Dulles and Herter could be of more benefit to him than the Southern California citrus growers and businessmen who had launched his career. The political relationship forged between the rising politician from California and Dulles’s East Coast circle would become one of the most significant partnerships of the postwar era.
Nixon grew into a potent political weapon for the Dulles group, a cunning operator who managed to accrue solidly conservative credentials with the Republican Party’s popular base while dependably serving the interests of the GOP’s privileged leadership class. Together, the Dulles circle and Richard Nixon would bring about a sharp, rightward shift in the nation’s politics, driving out the surviving elements of the New Deal regime in Washington and establishing a new ruling order that was much more in tune with the Dulles circle’s financial interests.
The Dulles-Nixon alliance proved masterful at exploiting the Cold War panic that gripped the nation, using it to root out Rooseveltian true believers from government, along with a few genuine Communist infiltrators who posed a marginal threat to national security. When Washington’s anti-Communist witch hunt raged out of control and threatened to consume even those who had lit the flame, Nixon again proved of great use to Dulles, working with him to keep the inferno within safe boundaries. In return for his services, Nixon won the patronage of the kingmakers in the Dulles circle, ensuring the politician’s steady rise toward Washington’s top throne.
Years later, after Nixon’s climb to power was stalled by his loss to John F. Kennedy [Back to Facts: an upset engineered by the Chicago political/mafia machine but one that JFK was not grateful for since he decided to be a white hat and go after Sam Giancana with his AG brother Robert] in the 1960 presidential election, Dulles sent Nixon a warm letter, reminiscing about their relationship and noting that “we have worked together since the days of the mission on the Marshall Plan.” The Dulles-Nixon alliance actually preceded their voyage on the Queen Mary, but the spymaster was understandably loath to officially record its true origins.
According to John Loftus, the former Justice Department Nazi hunter, the two men first came in contact in late 1945, when young naval officer Richard Nixon was shuttling up and down the East Coast, wrapping up war-related business for the Navy. While sifting through the military paperwork, Nixon came across eye-opening Nazi documents that had been shipped to an old torpedo factory on the Virginia side of the Potomac. Some of these documents revealed how the Dulles brothers had helped launder Nazi funds during the war. Loftus, citing confidential intelligence sources, alleged that Dulles and Nixon proceeded to cut a deal.
“Allen Dulles,” reported Loftus, “told him to keep quiet about what he had seen and, in return, [Dulles] arranged to finance the young man’s first congressional campaign against Jerry Voorhis.” Dulles and his clients in the banking and oil industries had ample reason to target Voorhis, a five-term Democratic congressman and ardent New Dealer from Nixon’s home district in Southern California. The crusading congressman was a particularly troublesome thorn in the sides of Wall Street and Big Oil. Voorhis shook the banking industry by pushing for the federal government to take over the nation’s privately owned, regional Federal Reserve Banks—a radical proposal that briefly won President Roosevelt’s support, but ultimately failed to overcome the banking lobby.
Voorhis was more successful in his efforts to curb the power of the major oil companies. In 1943, after learning that the Navy was about to grant Standard Oil exclusive drilling rights in the sprawling Elk Hills naval reserve in central California, Voorhis exposed the sweetheart deal and succeeded in blocking it. The congressman earned yet more of the oil industry’s wrath by taking aim at one of the industry’s most cherished tax breaks, the oil depletion allowance, and by stopping offshore drilling plans along the California coast. Voorhis also posed a direct legal threat to the Dulles brothers through his efforts to shine a light on the wartime collusion between Sullivan and Cromwell clients like Standard Oil and DuPont chemical company and Nazi cartels such as IG Farben [Back to Facts: where Auschwitz residents worked, and whose subsidiary supplied Zyklon B gas to the gas chambers].
Voorhis further unnerved the Dulles circle by demanding a congressional investigation of the controversial Bank for International Settlements, charging that bank president Thomas McKittrick, a close associate of the Dulles brothers, was a Nazi collaborator.”
